Pressure Groups 

Pressure groups are often seen as important to democracy as they represent different groups and minorities that have been, or may be, ignored by political parties. They help to disperse power, educate and inform the public about issues they can participate in, and provide expert advice and information. Pressure groups also offer an outlet for public grievances — a process known as "tension release" — and help keep the government in touch with public opinion between elections. Many campaign groups have re-engaged young people and others who are disillusioned with conventional politics. New types of pressure groups now include protest-based organisations, cyber activism, and even groups that draft substantial amounts of policy.

There are many different types of pressure groups, including promotional (or cause) groups. These groups promote particular causes or values, rather than defending the interests of a specific section of society. For example, environmental pressure groups have been stimulated by growing concern around issues such as acid rain and global warming. There are now nearly five million members of environmental pressure groups such as Greenpeace. These groups do not advocate solely for their members but for society as a whole.

A second type is sectional groups. These represent a specific section of society, such as workers in a particular industry or profession. They tend to be permanent, as their members will always have interests to promote, and they usually have strong relationships with government. These groups are often successful in promoting their members’ interests through constructive partnerships with the state. Many are professional bodies.

Insider groups are those that are regularly consulted by government departments. Because of this privileged access, they maintain close ties with officials and present well-substantiated arguments. These groups usually engage with policymakers through established channels rather than public protest. There are three types of insider groups. Core insiders are those with a strong, two-way relationship with policymakers across a wide range of issues. Specialist insiders are granted insider status within a narrow area of expertise — for example, the WWF. Peripheral insiders are groups that have insider status but are rarely consulted by government due to the limited relevance of their focus — for example, the Dogs Trust. Amnesty International may be considered an insider or outsider group depending on which government is in office. Another example is SANDS, which successfully campaigned for the definition of stillbirth to be reduced from 28 to 24 weeks in the Stillbirth Act 1992, but is now rarely needed by the government.

Another category is outsider groups. These are not consulted by government and are more reliant on winning over public opinion. They tend to lack political access and are often seen as strident or uncompromising. An example is Fathers 4 Justice, a pressure group that campaigned for the rights of divorced fathers to see their children. Many outsider groups operate primarily through social media. There are also different types of outsider groups. The first is potential insiders: groups that currently lack insider access but seek it. For example, the Gurkha Justice Campaign lobbied the Blair/Brown government for four years and eventually succeeded in securing equal settlement rights for Gurkhas in 2009.

The second type is outsiders by necessity. These are groups whose causes or tactics make insider status impossible — for example, those that use violent or unlawful methods. Finally, some groups are outsiders by choice. These groups, such as Amnesty International, may deliberately avoid close relationships with government in order to remain independent and free to criticise the state.

Two important case studies include the National Trust and Extinction Rebellion. The National Trust is Europe’s largest conservation society, with a membership of over five million — far more than any UK political party or trade union. Its key aims include preserving the nation's most iconic and vulnerable countryside and historic buildings. In many ways, it typifies the insider group: it has a formal organisational structure, with some senior officials drawn from the upper levels of the civil service. It is formally recognised in public policy, and various Acts of Parliament since 1907 have allowed the Trust to declare land inalienable — meaning it cannot be built on or sold without Parliamentary approval. However, the Trust has spoken out against government policy when it sees it as a threat to its objectives. For example, in 2011 it strongly opposed government proposals to reform land-use planning laws in England.

Extinction Rebellion is an outsider group that operates with a holocratic structure — meaning it has no official leader. It frequently makes headlines through mass demonstrations. A central tactic is the use of mass arrests to overwhelm the criminal justice system; in October 2019, over 1,800 protesters were arrested during one event. XR’s key demands include that the government tell the truth about environmental collapse and act immediately to reduce biodiversity loss and greenhouse gas emissions. The group has been relatively successful in raising public awareness, and environmental issues have moved up the political agenda. However, its stunts are often disruptive. XR has recently been overshadowed by Just Stop Oil — a separate but ideologically linked organisation.

Pressure groups use a variety of methods to influence politics. These include direct action, such as strikes, protests, and demonstrations; influencing government through lobbying and consultations; legal action, including supporting court cases and judicial reviews; and public or media pressure, which can involve advertising, petitions, and celebrity endorsements.

Lobbying takes two forms. First, there is in-house lobbying, where charities, corporations, and other organisations hire full-time lobbyists to try to influence government policy. Large multinational corporations in particular spend significant money on lobbying. The second form is through lobbying firms. These are private companies contracted to influence the government on behalf of their clients.

Historically, lobbying in the UK has faced very few restrictions, as it has been linked to free speech. However, in 2014, the Coalition government passed the Transparency of Lobbying, Non-party Campaigning and Trade Union Administration Act (commonly called the Lobbying Act 2014), which created a register of lobbyists. Under this law, those who meet the definition of consultant lobbying must register and account for their activities. However, in 2015, Transparency International estimated that only 4% of lobbyists were actually registered.

The Hansard Society estimated that the average MP is contacted about 100 times per week by lobbyists. A key example of lobbying success is the National Farmers Union (NFU). In 2015, the NFU successfully lobbied for plant nurseries to be exempt from business rates. In 2010, it persuaded the EU to make country-of-origin labelling mandatory on food products. In 2023, it secured government support to ensure off-grid rural households received additional energy help.

There have also been several lobbying scandals. In 2021, it was revealed that former Prime Minister David Cameron lobbied the government on behalf of Greensill Capital, a company where he served as a paid adviser and shareholder. In 2020, during the COVID crisis, he attempted to persuade the government to allow Greensill access to the Corporate COVID Financing Facility, which would have allowed the company to profit significantly. His status as a former Prime Minister gave him unique access, which he was accused of trying to exploit for financial gain. More recently, MP Scott Benton was found to have offered to lobby ministers on behalf of the gambling industry and leak confidential government documents in exchange for up to £4,000 a month. He later resigned.

One major criticism of lobbying is that it favours wealthy organisations that can afford to pay for access, thereby drowning out smaller or less well-funded interests. Another issue is the "revolving door" — when ministers or civil servants leave public office and become lobbyists, using their insider knowledge and contacts to influence policy. This contributes to public mistrust. Additionally, the Lobbying Act 2014 has significant gaps: the majority of lobbyists fall outside its regulatory scope, and there are no strict limits on gifts and hospitality. For example, MP Helen Grant was reported to have received Wimbledon tickets worth £895 in exchange for influence.

Corporations also play a major role in UK politics. They often use lobbyists to represent their interests, particularly on issues like tax policy. While consultant lobbyists must register under the 2014 Act, most large companies use in-house lobbyists who are not required to register. In fact, around 80% of lobbying comes from FTSE 100 companies. Many corporations donate significant amounts to political parties. While some do so because they share political beliefs, others may be motivated by a desire to increase their influence. For example, the company Flowidea donated £250,000 to the Conservative Party. Although donations are regulated by the Electoral Commission, critics argue that they still allow for undue influence.

Corporations also frequently hire former politicians and civil servants. This can lead to a shortage of expertise in government, as the private sector generally offers higher salaries, encouraging talented individuals to leave public service. It also fuels the perception that government is more interested in private gain than public good.

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